Statewide advertising spends most of its budget on people who cannot vote for you. Everything below is aimed at one thing: putting your candidate in front of the households inside your district — on the televisions they stream, the screens they drive past and the phones in their pockets.
46
Days to polling day
Tuesday 3 November 2026
800,000+
Mobile impressions against one district's address list
A state senate primary. Won with 53% of the vote.
We take candidate campaigns across the spectrum. A district boundary is a district boundary, a voter file is a list of addresses, and a streaming household is a streaming household. Nothing in the targeting, the inventory or the reporting changes with the letter after a name, and we do not take a position on the races we run. We work with candidate campaigns only — not PACs, not ballot measures, not issue advocacy.
14 of the 17 channels in our matrix accept political advertising. 3 do not, and no budget changes that. Better to read it before a plan is built on it than after.
A blanket category refusal, not a targeting limit. There is no budget, no relationship and no creative that gets a candidate onto these three.
| Display | Yes |
|---|---|
| Video | Yes |
| Native (display) | Yes |
| Native (video) | Yes |
| Meta | Yes |
| Geo-Targeted Mobile | Yes |
| Connected TV | Yes |
| Social Mirror | Yes |
| Social Mirror on CTV | Yes |
| YouTube | Yes |
| Online Audio | Yes |
| Google Ads | Yes |
| Amazon | No |
| No | |
| TikTok | No |
| Digital Out-of-Home | Yes |
| Performance Max | Yes |
Platform policy changes without notice, and this reflects the matrix as it stood when the page was built. Every restricted category has its own rules about ad content. We can check creative with the exchanges before launch rather than after a rejection.
Polling day is not the deadline. Early voting opens in many states weeks beforehand, so the last useful day to reach a voter is the day their ballot leaves the house — and that day is different in every state and, in some, in every county. A plan built backwards from a postal ballot looks nothing like one built backwards from 3 November.
Connected TV, Digital Out-of-Home, location-based mobile, streaming audio, display, native and video. If the creative is approved, these are a trafficking job rather than a build.
Social Mirror is built from a post you have already published, so there has to be one worth running. YouTube needs the campaign to already have a YouTube channel. Both are quick. Neither is instant, and neither is a guaranteed launch date.
Most political media is bought by media market, which is the wrong shape. A market spills across the district line in every direction and bills you for everyone outside it. These are the 7 methods we use to get back to the boundary you are actually running in.
Advertise to specific street addresses.
Campaigns aimed at a known list of buildings — a voter file, a service territory, a set of businesses, the households a direct mail drop went to.
A senate campaign served over 800,000 mobile impressions against an address list for the district.
Draw a shape on a map. Advertise to the phones inside it.
Reaching people by where they physically go. We pick an area and then market to mobile devices in that boundary.
A roofing company fenced the areas its crews were actively working and ran at a 1.01% click-through rate on that targeting alone.
Upload your customer list. Advertise to them, and to people who resemble them.
Two jobs at once — winning back people you already know, and finding new people who look statistically like your best customers rather than like your general market.
A dealership matched its own service customers, and the resulting offer redeemed at 9%.
Advertise to people based on what they actually do online, not who they are on paper.
Finding people in market right now. Demographics tell you someone is 35 and owns a home; behaviour tells you they have been reading about replacement windows for a fortnight.
A dealership targeted in-market auto shoppers down to specific models and finished at four times the national click-through average.
Reach the same person on one channel, then meet them again on another.
Repetition that does not feel like repetition. Someone reached twice across different contexts converts at a materially different rate than someone reached twice in the same feed.
A university merchandise retailer sequenced mobile into social and recorded over 8,300 view-through conversions.
Follow the people who visited your site and left without doing anything.
The cheapest audience you will ever buy, because they already came to you once. Most visitors leave without converting, and this is the only way to get a second attempt at them.
A festival retargeted everyone who looked at the ticket page and did not buy, and recorded 12,937 conversions in seven weeks.
Find out who your anonymous website visitors actually are.
Turning traffic you already paid for into named, addressable people — then advertising to them, emailing them, or handing them to sales.
A medical clinic identified around 3,000 visitor profiles in 30 days, and 80% could be matched and reached online.
Both are this agency's own client work, described by office rather than by name, exactly as the campaign records have them. Every figure is the one in the record — nothing rounded up, averaged, or combined with another campaign. Neither result is a promise about yours.
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A state senate candidate needed saturation inside specific districts in the closing days before a primary.
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A circuit court judge nominee needed name recognition across a district inside a primary window.
11 channels a district campaign can use, with what you are buying and where it runs. Each has its own page carrying the inventory, the targeting and the results behind it.
Streaming inventory bought by audience rather than daypart, with household-level targeting and completion reporting.
Screens in the physical world — retail, transit, roadside — planned against footfall data and tied back to digital retargeting.
Location-based mobile targeting — geo-fencing, competitor conquesting and footfall attribution.
On-site visit tracking reports people who saw the ad and then came to your business with their phone within two weeks, on your monthly report.
Streaming audio and podcast inventory, targeted by listener rather than station.
On some platforms the audio ad carries a companion display ad at no additional cost.
Your social posts, rebuilt as ads that run on other websites and apps — and on Connected TV — instead of only in the feed they were posted to.
The ad is built from a post you have already published, so there needs to be one worth running.
Pre-roll and in-content video across websites, apps and gaming platforms — bought against audience rather than a single publisher's inventory.
Programmatic display and native units placed in context, bought against audience data rather than cheap impressions.
Pre-roll and in-stream video against intent signals and channel-level context, not just broad demographic buys.
Your brand must have a YouTube channel before this can run.
Paid placement across Facebook and Instagram feeds, Reels and Stories — bought against behavioural and interest segments rather than boosted posts.
Search and Performance Max campaigns run against commercial intent, structured so spend follows the queries that convert.
We can write the ad copy and build the keyword list, or work from yours.
Google's cross-surface campaign type, managed with real creative discipline instead of handing everything to automation.
Undecided voters research candidates, and increasingly they ask ChatGPT, Gemini, Perplexity or Google's AI Overviews rather than open ten links. Whatever comes back is assembled from what those systems can reach, read and quote — and for most campaign sites that is a page rendered in JavaScript they cannot read at all, plus whatever coverage happens to be indexed, including your opponent's.
The audit is free and runs from public data only. It checks whether an assistant can reach your site, whether it can read it without running JavaScript, whether there is a passage worth quoting, what your structured data and agent files say, and which off-site sources already carry you. A person runs it and replies. It is a measurement, not a promise: nobody can guarantee what an assistant says about a candidate, and we do not.
We are a media agency. We buy, place and report on advertising. We are not lawyers, and nothing on this page is legal, FEC or state campaign-finance advice — including the platform policy summarised above it.
The “paid for by” disclaimer is yours. Your counsel decides what it says and where it goes. We will not run creative without the disclaimer you supply, and we will not advise you on what it should be.
Political advertiser verification and registration, on the platforms that require it, is completed by the campaign in the campaign's name. We will tell you which platforms ask for it and when to start. We cannot complete it for you.
And we do not promise outcomes. No agency can hand you a vote share, and we do not price or report as though we could. What we can show you is what is above: what we ran, what it delivered, and what the record says happened next.
Tell us the office, the boundary and the budget, and we will come back with what we would run and why. No account, nothing charged, and a person prices it.